How Sudanese Displacement to Egypt Might Help End FGM
Between the hardships of fleeing their country and new social fabrics with the absence of grandmothers and husbands, doors are opening for mothers to decide against the genital cutting of their daughters.

Female Genital Mutilation Amongst Sudanese Migrants In Greater Cairo: Perceptions And Trends is the first study looking at FGM in Sudanese communities in Egypt.
"Sudanese families are not aware that Egyptians practice FGM. Amongst them, type three [the most extreme] is usually known as Pharaonic. So when we ask them whether Egyptians practice FGM or not, they realize that Egyptians must practice FGM because it's Pharaonic," Dr. Yussra Mohammed tells OkayAfrica. "During a [recent] conference, Egyptian organizations and activists were surprised that Sudanese referred to type three FGM as Pharaonic because, in Egypt, they refer to it as Sudanese. So they're throwing the blame on each other."
Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is illegal in Egypt andSudan, and yet 87.2 percent of Egyptian women and 86.6 percent of Sudanese women aged 15-49 have undergone it. In both societies, people believe that genital cutting is a tradition to preserve a girl's honor and, by extension, her family's.
In the firststudy of its kind,Equality Now andTadwein for Gender Studies look at how perspectives around FGM might be changing in Egypt's Sudanese migrant communities. While it lays open several opportunities that could lead to its abandonment, it also reveals how little most people know about the practice and how much the nicknaming of the different types affects how people perceive them: as ancient, foreign, or religiously mandated.
Since theoutbreak of war in April 2023, an estimated1.2 to 1.5 million Sudanese have fled to Egypt. Equality Now, an international human rights organization that aims to protect and advance the rights of all women and girls around the world, and Tadwein for Gender Studies, an Egyptian organization with a mission to promote gender equality and address gender-based violence through research, advocacy, and community interventions, had been working to end FGM in Sudan and Egypt separately.
"When we saw the influx of people into Egypt, we thought that there was an opportunity to try and see what this migration means for the continuation or the abandonment of FGM," says Paleki Ayang, MENA Gender Advisor at Equality Now.
Economic instability, insecure housing, and obtaining legal status are among themany issues Sudanese are dealing with in Egypt. Although FGM is a deeply embedded cultural practice that is often falsely framed as a religious necessity, it is not a top priority for a refugee. So, could displacement be the reason Sudanese communities let go of FGM?
To find out, Tadwein interviewed 30 grandmothers, mothers, fathers, and young adults in Cairo and Giza. Half of them had been living in Egypt since before the war; the other half were refugees. They shared their varying knowledge of the three types of FGM, colloquially known as Sunna (type one), Sandwich (type two), and Pharaonic (type three).
"We need to debunk the myth that type one is harmless or religiously required," says Ayang. "People need to understand that the harms of FGM are physical, psychological, social, and economic."
The practice's main drivers are grandmothers; young men and fathers are the least informed. All interviewees claimed not to practice FGM, but Dr. Mohammed cautions that this might be because it is illegal in Egypt, and people will not go on record admitting that they broke the law. Most participants, however, were not aware of the law's exact ramifications; they merely assumed that it exists.
Both Ayang and Dr. Mohammed were surprised to find that neither Sudanese nor Egyptians know which type of FGM is prevalent in the other community. This is a testament to thetension between the communities.
In Sudan, FGM is usually done by a midwife, nurse, or grandmother, whereas in Egypt, it is carried out by doctors. In the study, many Sudanese said that they are not comfortable asking Egyptians for help or information due to the racism they experience. Not understanding how the system works and potentially jeopardizing their legal status could be a major deterrent to continuing FGM in Egypt.
In terms of ending FGM, Dr. Mohammed considers this lack of communication a good thing. "If the Sudanese find out that healthcare providers in Egypt conduct FGM, it will be on the rise," she says. Paired with the misconception that type 1 is not harmful, people will assume it is safe if a doctor performs it."
She continues, "When interaction happens and the families talk about FGM, God knows what could happen," she says. "So if we will intervene, we need to do it now."
Published at this crucial moment, the study is meant to be a stepping stone that paves the way for more in-depth research and campaigns, aiming to reframe FGM from being a legal or medical issue to a plain and simple human rights violation. It offers several recommendations, such asinvolving courts to enforce the law and elders to shift communal attitudes.
"There are now many female-headed Sudanese households in Egypt," says Ayang. "It's important to empower mothers with knowledge, confidence, and tools to resist whatever pressure they might face from their families and communities."
While Ayang admits that "There is no clear cut answer to whether FGM will be abandoned or continued," Dr. Mohammed believes that the factors that will help people abandon FGM are greater than those that provide room for its continuation.
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